Call for papers

Call for papers: “Too many cooks spoil the broth”? Shared meals and collective kitchens, xxth-xxist centuries. Bringing foodwork out of domestic and market spheres.
University of Lille (France), 16-17 June 2025

crédit photo Carmen Dreysse
In many countries, collective kitchens where people gather to cook or share meals with others operate on the fringes of public action and the market. The names of these kitchens, and their diverse linguistic versions, are evocative: community kitchens, soup kitchens, people’s kitchens (cantines populaires, Volksküchen and later Volxküchen, comedores populares, folkkök), solidarity kitchens (cozinhas solidárias, cantines solidaires, Soliküchen) or political kitchens (No border kitchen, anarchist dinner, cantines de lutte). Their organisers focus on political struggle, social action, food education or mutual food aid for vulnerable people (children, migrants, poor, students, etc.) and use cooking and commensality as a basis for reform and mobilisation projects. While there is an abundance of scientific literature on top-down social action reforms, i.e. action by public institutions or intermediary bodies, there is currently less literature on bottom-up citizen movements.
The aim of this conference is to gain a better understanding of the diversity of communal kitchens” that exist at local level and which, until now, have been little documented. By communal kitchens we mean collective forms of food production that fall outside the ordinary domestic set-up and professional catering. Beyond the designations used by the people cooking in these spaces, or chosen by the sociologists describing them, we are interested in the social uses of commensality and collective food preparation, whether or not these are claimed by individuals. Alongside research exploring foodwork in the domestic sphere (Fouquet 2018; Cardon 2015; Beagan et al. 2008; Short 2006; DeVault 1994) and in the professional sphere, in particular in collective catering sector (Dondeyne 2016; Tétart 2023; Balland, David and Vincent 2023; Fine 2009; Black 2021) and in institutional commensality (Grignon 2001; Giacoman 2016; Jönsson, Michaud and Neuman 2021; Comoretto, Lhuissier and Maurice (eds.) 2020), we propose to consider shared cooking outside these worlds.
The aim of the conference will be to refine our perceptions of these forms of community foodwork, which is at least characterised by free labour (Simonet 2018). Some community kitchens however rely on paid work, often dedicated to supervision. Communications should look at the different roles of workers: what work is recognised and valued? Is there a form of “dirty work” (Hughes 1996)? The distinction between taking turns cooking – in a kind of mutualisation of foodwork – and cooking together – in a form of participation in foodwork could be discussed. These two forms of collective work undoubtedly do not have the same aims: equality and efficiency or even rationalisation in the first case versus conviviality and getting together in the second case (Augor 2003). More generally, we are interested in forms of foodwork for strangers. What does it mean for individuals to cook for free for people they don’t know?
The conference will provide an opportunity to compare and contrast ways of organising, funding and mobilising resources, as well as different uses and conceptions of cooking and commensality, both by their promoters and by the users. It invites the presentation of empirical works on schemes that lie at the intersection and/or margin of different fields, from food aid to social action, from the market sphere to the renewal of urban space. Some have clear historical links, while others claim to be social innovations.
We propose to structure this call around three main sections, which are necessarily secant and indicative.
section 1 – Understanding ordinary cooking in a collective context
Communal cooking facilities or collective food preparation are at the heart of the organisation of certain communities. They can be found in constrained and institutional forms of collective housing (such as emergency accommodation centres ) or informal – but not without rules – (such as squat housing), or in other configurations in which people get together to cook for a cause (migrants) or an objective (educating children about taste and combating commercial catering). In these shared spaces, people cook for others (such as canteens in militant locations), for themselves (such as the shared kitchen for women in particularly unstable and precarious housing conditions named “La Cocotte”), or for co-residents. These may be “permanent” kitchens, one of the difficulties of which is sometimes ensuring their long-term durability, or more temporary spaces, sometimes outdoors, such as improvised kitchens for emergency food distribution. Proliferation of initiatives of this kind invites us to consider in this section the forms and meanings of cooking in collective contexts: if space is shared, what about food preparation? What meanings does it take on, and how does it help to build or strengthen communities? What tensions arise when their continuity is threatened? What place is given to products and recipes in relation to the different objectives of these collective configurations?
In alternative housing, the kitchen can be seen as a place of cardinal importance, where daily conviviality, criticism of consumption and militant conviction are all expressed in its organisation (Stavo-Debauge 2014). Similarly, migrant workers’ hostels were home to a large number of informal canteens, which, through self-organisation (collective purchasing), ensured practices of hospitality, solidarity (meals at lower cost) and mutual support (taking charge of legal aid (Sirisouk 2023) or transferring funds to emigration regions in order to create school, agricultural and health infrastructures, combat desertification, etc. (Bernard 2020)). Tensions that weigh on these kitchens and shared canteens help better understand the issues that run through them. The arrival of newcomers can lead to changes in operating rules – whether tacit or administrative – with the result that (sometimes fragile) balances are upset and existing dynamics called into question. How does one preserve the principles of the kitchen around which identities and/or allegiances are forged? In the squat studied by Breviglieri et al, this common and neuralgic part of the collective functioning is put to the test of ‘cultural differences’, where clashes of convictions almost jeopardise the very foundations of the community (Breviglieri, Pattaroni and Stavo-Debauge 2004; Stavo-Debauge 2014). Similarly, the transformation of migrant workers hostels into ‘social residences for migrants’ [résidences sociales’] was accompanied by the disappearance of informal canteens in favour of restaurants focused on occupational and social integration and supported by lessors, thereby depriving residents of any room for manoeuvre and giving rise to numerous struggles (Brier and Klein 2020; Sedrati-Dinet 2015).
While the prospect of a declared activity has not always been enough to convince the cooks, who used to work in canteens of migrant workers hostels, in other cases the collective organisation of the kitchen is seen as a source of empowerment. This area therefore proposes to look at initiatives such as this ‘canteen’ where women, originated from West Africa, have pooled their skills to develop a commercial catering business (Grudet 2023), or on the other hand, the parent kitchens with an educational and civic vocation studied by Cardon and López (2020), whose aim is to provide an alternative to commercial school catering. At the other end of the spectrum, this section also proposes looking at collective kitchens set up for people who do not have access to a personal kitchen (such as residents of social hotels), and who come there to cook just for themselves, as is the case at La Cocotte (Fondation de l’Armée du Salut 2023).
All of these initiatives raise concrete questions about the actual implementation of these culinary collectives. We’ll be looking at the importance attached – or not – to the quality of the products cooked, to prior reflection on menus and recipes, and to the material conditions of the culinary activity. Finally, we will look at how these different aspects of cooking underpin projects, identities and belonging, and how cooking in a collective context is linked to commensality.
Section 2 – Cooking together as a political project
This section invites us to consider the way in which shared cooking and eating together are the subject of political struggles. These struggles can be differentiated according to whether shared food is in the background, as the material support needed for action, or whether food issues are at the core, as the goal of the struggle.
Firstly, we can sharpen our understanding of the material organisation of social movements, which has been a blind spot in the social sciences for some time. Shared food appears to be an integral part of the repertoire of workers’ mobilisations (Lhuissier 2020) and has been documented in “communist soup kitchens” and occupied factory meals for the first half of the twentieth century (Bouchet et al. 2016). Following on from this work, we encourage papers focusing on contemporary movements or deepening our knowledge of the social division of this nourishing work in militant environments. A feminist approach, in dialogue with the ideas raised in section 3, is particularly relevant given the extent to the gendered segregation of tasks in past (Bantigny 2017) and current (Rozencwajg 2021) struggles. But what about other social relations? How do differences in status, age and race play a role? Contributions may therefore focus mainly on the organisation of collective foodwork and how this is likely to lead to a ‘critique in act’ (Pruvost 2017) of the ways in which people eat and organise themselves collectively, and on what it does to individuals to engage in these activities that are socially considered as subaltern. Looking beyond the question of how to organise foodwork to keep a movement going, contributions may focus on the way in which collective kitchens and shared meals are mobilised in urban struggles (Lovell 2018): the occupation of public space by the Diggers of the 1960s in San Francisco (Gaillard 2014), collectives organising street meals in protest at gentrification in Oakland (Alkon, Kato and Sbicca (eds.) 2020), popular canteens in anarchist movements (Agten 2019; Robineau 2016). Who is the audience for these shared meals and how do activists link the right to the city and the right to food?
Secondly, the presentations will look at the way in which collective cooking and commensality are politicised by activists and not simply used as a support for collective action. Several works attest to the criticisms levelled at the individual kitchen and the attempts to overcome them by mutualizing foodwork in the nineteenth century (Hayden 2023; Dreysse 2023), in continuity with Phalansterian-inspired utopias (Lhuissier 2003; Tyssens 2018). Are we seeing any extensions of these criticisms in the twentieth century?
The politicisation of food can also be seen in shared meals for the most disadvantaged which, while reminiscent of institutional food aid schemes, differ from them in that they refuse charity or donations without the possibility of a counter-donation. This mutual aid backed by political criticism can be seen in the food distributions of the Black Panther Party in the 1960s (Potorti 2017) or the Food Not Bombs movement, which defends the right to food and organises shared kitchens (Heynen 2010), and more recently in movements that criticise the ‘food violence’ of traditional food aid systems (Bonzi 2023). As the recent meeting organised by Réseau salariat[1] on the theme of ‘canteens and the social security of food’ shows, mobile canteens, support meals, neighbourhood meals, meals in migrant workers hostels and so on ‘are an essential social space and a key element in struggles and solidarity’ . What role can solidarity kitchens play in food politics (Trombini and Motta 2024)?
Lastly, contributions may examine the rise of ecological issues in the pooling of foodwork. Are alternative consumption or production initiatives (CSA, community gardens, community-based group buying), well documented by the social sciences (Sachsé 2024; Granchamp and Glatron 2021; Cottin-Marx and Cabantous 2013; Paddeu 2012), accompanied by the sharing of cooking and meals (Véron 2023)? Certainly, it is in terms of educating people about taste or passing on food knowledge that forms of shared cooking are emerging in connection with these alternative distribution networks. The VRAC Hauts-de-France association, which offers its members the chance to buy dried produce at cost price, organises occasional cookery workshops with the aim of empowering consumers and enabling them to get to grips with little-known legumes. In the same way as many studies of urban gardens, we can ask how the collective activity of cooking is invested with issues of ‘food justice’ by those who practise it.
This section therefore encourages contributions both on movements that have made cooking and eating together the core of their activities, and on movements that, although they have resorted to collective foodwork, have not specifically challenged this work or the social divisions that make it possible.
Section 3 – Collective kitchens: emancipation or continuity?
Collective kitchens are neither part of the private domestic sphere nor of the professional catering sector (private or public), two social spheres of culinary activity in which social relations are strongly expressed.
When it comes to the domestic sphere, cooking is an expression of gender social relations: it is mainly the responsibility of women, especially mothers, whatever their relationship with cooking and cuisine (disinterest versus passion) (Cardon et al., 2023). It responds to a socially and historically constructed domestic assignment as moral educator of their class regardless of their social background (Parsons, 2016; Cairns and Johnston, 2015). Conversely, men’s involvement in cooking remains low, even though a new role for men is emerging, particularly among graduates (Fouquet, 2020), some authors talking about the de-genderisation of cooking? (Aarseth, 2009). Overall, the purpose of domestic food preparation is not only to feed the family, but also to educate and socialise children (Bister, 2023). What happens in the context of communal kitchens, where the food is prepared in a collective setting?
This question is all the more important given that cooking in the professional restaurant sector is based on labour relations that involve not only gender but also class and race relations. Power relations are highly asymmetrical between the predominantly male figure of the ‘star chef’ and the employees, who are often recruited from a racialised, mainly male, underclass. What is the situation in community kitchens? What social relationships are they built on? What role do women play? And men? How are class and race relations intertwined in the collective production of food? Does the role of moral educator played by women still make sense in the context of collective kitchens? How are the different social hierarchies composed or recomposed?
These issues necessarily raise a more general question about the very meaning of collective foodwork : is it simply a matter of transferring the domestic norms to the public sphere and of transferring hierarchical relations from the catering sector to these shared kitchen spaces ? Or is the meaning of foodwork profoundly transformed in the context of community kitchens ? These questions are all the more important given that hierarchical relations in both the private and professional spheres are based on the mastery of certain types of skills, knowledge and know-how that legitimize them in a way. What is the situation in collective kitchens ? What skills and know-how do they draw on ? Do they invent new ones ?
Finally, when community kitchens are attended by women and men, what happens to their relationships, depending on their social situation and status? Research into cooking workshops for the elderly, for example, has shown that beyond the strictly nutritional and food-related issues, these collective spaces represent opportunities for exchange and reassurance about the experience of ageing, but are experienced differently according to gender (Bouima, 2021). Other studies have pointed out, in relation to food education workshops for women in working-class neighbourhoods, that the latter is a forum for discussions about weight and dieting, leading to a reproduction of body standards (Lhuissier, 2006; Augor and Lhuissier, 2006). Finally, others have shown that parent kitchens, which propose an alternative to commercial school meals catering, l can be a means of educating children about citizenship (Cardon and Martín Lagos, 2020). Even if these cooking experiments are not in themselves communal kitchens, they show what cooking can achieve beyond the strictly food and nutritional issues. What is at stake in sharing food preparation and / or meals?
This section will look at the very nature and meaning of communal kitchens as a space for expressing different social relationships that are at once relationships of domination but also of emancipation (Cardon, Kergoat, Pfefferkorn, 2009) : do the communal kitchens represent a space of emancipation or do they reproduce social hierarchies at stake in the domestic and commercial spheres?
Scientific coordinators:
- Philippe Cardon (Université de Lille, Ceries) : philippe.cardon@univ-lille.fr
- Carmen Dreysse (Université de Lille, Ceries et EHESS, CMH) : carmen.dreysse@univ-lille.fr
- Anne Lhuissier (INRAE, CMH): anne.lhuissier@inrae.fr
Calendar:
Submissions should be sent to the three organisers by 15 February 2025. They consist of a title and a summary in which the empirical material will be described (between 2000 and 4000 signs), as well as a short CV. Responses will be sent back on 15 March 2025.
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[1] https://www.agendamilitant.org/Cantines-et-Securite-Sociale-de-l-Alimentation-5536.html
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Anne Lhuissier (19 décembre 2024). Call for papers. SOLAL. Consulté le 6 février 2025 à l’adresse https://doi.org/10.58079/12ymu